Di Xin

Di Xin
帝辛
Di Xin as illustrated in the Ehon Sangoku Yōfuden (c. 1805)
King of Shang dynasty
Reign1075–1046 BCE (29 years)
PredecessorDi Yi (Father)
Born1105 BCE
Died1046 BCE
SpouseConsort Daji
Jiuhou Nü
IssueWu Geng
Names
Family name: Zǐ (子)
Clan name: Yīn (殷) or Shāng (商)
Given name: Shòu (受)[1][2] or Shòudé (受德)[3]
Posthumous name
Zhòu (紂, Zhou dynasty pejorative)
Temple name
Dì Xīn (帝辛)
FatherDi Yi
Di Xin
Chinese帝辛
Literal meaning"Thearch VIII"
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu Pinyindì xīn
Bopomofoㄉㄧˋ ㄒㄧㄣ
Wade–Gilesti4-hsin1
Middle Chinese
Middle ChinesetejH sin
Old Chinese
Baxter–Sagart (2014)/*tˁek-s [s]i[n]/
Alternative Chinese name
Chinese商紂王
Literal meaning"Zhou of Shang"
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu Pinyinshāng zhòu wáng
Bopomofoㄕㄤ ㄓㄡˋ ㄨㄤˊ
Wade–Gilesshang4-chou4-wang2
Middle Chinese
Middle Chinesesyang drjuwX hjwang
Old Chinese
Baxter–Sagart (2014)/*s-taŋ [d]ruʔ ɢʷaŋ/

Di Xin of Shang (Chinese: 商帝辛; pinyin: Shāng Dì Xīn; Wade–Giles: Shang Ti-Hsin) or Shou, King of Shang (Chinese: 商王受; pinyin: Shāng Wáng Shòu; Wade–Giles: Shang Wang Shou), was the last king of the Shang dynasty of ancient China. He is also known by a pejorative title, King Zhòu of Shang ([ʈ͡ʂoʊ]; Chinese: 商紂王; pinyin: Shāng Zhòu Wáng; Wade–Giles: Shang Chou-Wang) in Zhou dynasty texts and beyond.[4] He is contemporaneously recorded in bronze relics, where his temple name, Di Xin, is used, and posthumously in the Chinese classics by his pejorative title of "King Zhou."

In later times, the story of “King Zhòu” became a cautionary tale on what could befall a kingdom if its ruler gave into corruption and moral depravity. However, owing to the small number of artifacts found from his rule, his actual life and deeds are not well understood beyond posthumous accounts.

Names

"Di Xin" (帝辛) is the official title given by the Shang dynasty imperial house, formatted in a similar way to Emperor Shun and Emperor Yao with the thearch title di 帝 placed before his name. This stands in contrast to later emperors, who would have it placed after.[5]

Di Xin was born with the family name Zi, lineage name Yin, and the given name Shou. He was called Shou, King of Shang 商受王 by the kingdom of Zhou when he was alive.

After Di Xin had allegedly killed himself at Deer Terrace Pavilion, he was given a derogatory posthumous name, King Zhòu of Shang (商紂王) by the succeeding Zhou dynasty, with Zhòu (紂) meaning "horse crupper",[6] implying "injustice and harm".[7][8] It is also the part of a saddle or harness that is most likely to be soiled by the horse, and an area most likely to be whipped. However, Sima Qian posthumously claims that everyone in the empire had dubbed Di Xin this name due to a tyrannical reign.[9]

This title Zhòu 紂 and the enemy Zhōu 周 Dynasty are only pronounced similarly today in Modern Standard Mandarin Chinese. Proceeding from the Baxter–Sagart reconstruction of Old Chinese, which would have been spoken at the time, to Baxter's transcription for Middle Chinese, to the modern-day pronunciation in Pinyin would be as follows:

  • 紂: /*[d]ruʔ/ → drjuwX → zhòu
  • 周: /*tiw/ → tsyuw → zhōu

Di Xin is occasionally called Zhòu Xin (紂辛; Zhòu Xīn), merging his Shang and Zhou names.

Centuries after his death, the name "King Zhou of Shang" had become shorthand for an archetype of wicked rule.[10]

Early life

Di Xin was the younger of three sons to Di Yi, his brothers named Zi Qi (子啓) and Zi Yan (子衍).[11] As Qi’s mother was of low birth, whereas Di Xin’s was the principal consort, he was made the heir and ascended the throne after Di Yi passed away. Di Xin had two uncles, Ji Zi and Bi Gan. He bore a single son named Wu Geng.[9]

Outside of family, little is known of Di Xin’s early life outside of posthumous accounts. In Chapter 15 of Xunzi, Di Xin is recorded as having been tall, mighty, and intelligent, even from a young age, able to defeat a hundred men on his own. Sima Qian notes that Di Xin was cunning and able to talk his way out of trouble, and would boast of his abilities being above all others, even his own ministers.[12] He was also said to be able to fight beasts with his bare hands.[13] Di Xin's strength is recorded in 甲3939, where he is recorded as having hunted a white Sumatran rhinoceros or Short-horned water buffalo during the 10th year of his reign.[14]

Reign

Oracle Bone Script describing Di Xin hunting rhinoceros.

After succeeding the throne, Di Xin changed the Shang capital to Mo 沬, then changed the name to Chaoge 朝歌, in modern-day Qi County, Hebi in Henan.[15] Di Xin is known for his wars with the Renfang,[a] Linfang 林方, and Hufang 虎方. The Hufang were particularly regarded as being "rebellious" 反 in bronze inscriptions.[16] These wars are recorded as having been particularly costly to the Shang dynasty in posthumous accounts and were seen as the main reason for its downfall.[17]

To the horror of the Zhou people, Di Xin was known to employ fugitives in his governmental offices based on merit. This method was found to suppress the clans who held too much power in court.[18][19] Additionally, he was known to appoint women to positions as well, a trend that would evaporate after his reign. Women were responsible for managing rituals, advising military affairs, managing court and guests, and they were highly respected by the Shang state, which was observed even during the Zhou-Qin classical period.[20][21][22] The appointment of women to power during the Shang dynasty indicates a culture with high levels of gender equality, while the Zhou state, which was developing Confucian rituals at the time, was more patriarchal.[23][24][25]

Participation in feng

Bronzeware rubbing detailing a sacrifice made to Di Yi by Di Xin.

In contemporary records, as is the role of the Shang king, Di Xin is recorded as having upheld Shang dynasty religion in several bronze and oracle bone inscriptions, where he participates in feng 豊, the Shang dynasty concept of ritual communion with ancestors.[26] This implies a trend of reduction in human sacrifice compared to previous rulers; likewise, after Di Xin's reign ended, ritual sacrifice increased in the Zhou dynasty.[27][28][29]

The diviners that worked with Di Xin are small in number, comprising the Huang (黃) group of Period V in oracle bone divination. Of these, Yong (永) and Huang (黃) were the most prolific, the former being a veteran of Di Yi's reign and the latter a new arrival who specifically divinated about campaigns against the Renfang (人方).[30][31][32][33]

In the fourth year of his reign, he performed an yi sacrifice on an Yisi day dedicated to his father Di Yi, signalling the start of another ritual cycle.[34] This was actualised with a zhu sacrifice being made later, to which an individual named Bi Qi 邲其 was rewarded with cowry money.[35] This activity would continue at least into his 22nd year, having performed a rong ritual for his father, signalling the end of a cycle. He rewarded the minister assisting him with cowry money 貝, which was spent on a bronze vessel.[36]

Zun inscribed with the record of Xiaochen Yu 小臣艅.

During his 15th year on a Disi day of Rong sacrifice, Di Xin is recorded as having inspected Kuai during his war with the Renfang. He rewarded an individual named Xiaochen Yu 小臣艅 with cowry money, who would then make a bronze zunimaged after a Sumatran rhinoceros.[37]

Concubines

Di Xin had several concubines, of whom two are named, though contemporary sources are scarce. His favourite was allegedly Daji, who is described as a temptress who manipulated him into committing torturous acts, of which the two garnered pleasure.[9] His second concubine was the daughter of Lord Jiu 九侯女, of whom lacks a definitive name. She was presented to Di Xin by a ruler from the Guifang, who had become allies with the Shang after a three-year war.[38] However, she was allegedly killed due to her disliking lust ("不喜淫"), and her father was killed after.[9] However, conflicting accounts claim that Daji called her ugly and feared Di Xin would no longer pay attention to her, convincing him to kill her.[39] Her tomb is located in Qixian County, Hebi in Henan.[40][41]

Battle of Muye

Main article: Battle of Muye

In c. 1046 BC,[42] the army of Ji Fa of Zhou, invaded with 45,000 troops led by Jiang Ziya, compared to the Shang's 170,000. Despite this, due to having been occupied with fighting the Renfang, they had caught the Shang unaware whilst troop morale was low. This led to a surprise defeat.[43] The battle is recorded on the Li gui (vessel), the only contemporary epigraphic evidence of its occurrence.[44]

Death

When his loss at the Battle of Muye was clear, Di Xin is alleged to have gathered up his treasures, dressed in his finest wear, ran to Deer Terrace Pavilion, and committed self-immolation. Thereafter, he was beheaded and had his head hung on a white-flag pole by Ji Fa. Ji Fa then killed consort Daji, freed Viscount Ji 箕子, paid respects to Bi Gan, and made a eulogy in the memory of Shangrong 商容.[9][45][46] However, the Yi Zhou Shu notes that Di Xin was murdered with an axe by Ji Fa amid the massacre of Shang civilians.[47][48]

Proposed tomb

Di Xin's tomb is thought to be No. 1567 in Yinxu, but his body was not found inside, and the tomb itself was empty. Additionally, it lacks the structures seen with other Shang royal tombs despite being in the same royal [49] Whether he was buried there or it was desecrated by the Zhou is unclear.[50] Because Shang royal tombs were repeatedly and persistently looted in antiquity, it is near-impossible to test the hypothesis beyond process of elimination.[49] Uchida and Mizoguchi argue that Di Xin never had a tomb, and that it is more likely to have belonged to Di Yi.[51]

Aftermath

After the annexation of Shang, Di Xin’s brothers Zi Qi and Zi Yan would successively rule the vassal state Song in the burgeoning Zhou dynasty.[9]

Criticism in posthumous accounts

1788 depiction of Di Xin and Daji observing the burning of a person.

Traditional Chinese historiography, built on Records of the Grand Historian and the Chinese classics, views Di Xin as a tyrannical ruler driven by lust, desire, and sadism.[9][52][53] He is accused of having lost the Mandate of Heaven through his inability to rule the Shang dynasty, bringing its continued decline to a head and forcing the hand of Predynastic Zhou to rectify the problem.[9] He is therefore called "King Zhou of Shang" (商紂王, lit. "King Horse Crupper of Shang") as a pejorative posthumous name instead of his temple name, Di Xin, which became the traditional way to name him.[54]

Debate on authenticity

The narrative of "King Zhou" comes from the perspective of the conquering Zhou dynasty, and some aspects are reproduced from lost documents.[52][53] Over the centuries since the Battle of Muye, the allegations made against Di Xin worsened over time. In the beginning, Di Xin was seen as an inept ruler; come the Han dynasty, he is depicted as a tyrant who tortured dissidents and engaged in wonton lust.[53] Therefore, the authenticity of the allegations made is considered debatable.[52][53]

Suspicions of the Zhou dynasty view of Di Xin can be seen rearing up during the Warring States period in the Analects, Zi Gong, using the Zhou exonym yet questioning Di Xin's actions, states thusly:

子貢曰：「紂之不善，不如是之甚也。是以君子惡居下流，天下之惡皆歸焉。」

Zi Gong said, "Zhou's wickedness was not so great as that name implies. Therefore, the superior man hates to dwell in a low-lying situation, where all the evil of the world will flow in upon him."[55]

During the Southern Song dynasty, scholar Luo Mi wrote in the Lushi that he also considered the allegations against Di Xin to be largely unreliable and exaggerated after reviewing various documents:[56][57]

大抵書傳所記桀紂之事多出模倣。如世紀等倒拽九牛、撫梁易柱、引鈎申索、握鐡流湯、傾宮瑤室、與夫璿臺三里、金柱三千、車行酒、騎行炙、酒池糟丘、脯林肉圃、宮中九市、牛飲三千、丘鳴鬼哭、山走石泣、兩日並出、以人食獸、六月獵西山、以百二十日為夜等事。紂為如是，而謂桀亦如是，是豈其俱然哉？

"Generally speaking, the affairs of Jie and Di Xin[b] recorded in books and traditions mostly arise from imitation. For example, in works like Records of the Grand Historian, there are stories of dragging nine bulls backward, bracing beams and swapping pillars, stretching bronze hooks, grasping hot iron and flowing hot water, leaning palaces and jasper chambers, along with a jade tower three li around, three thousand golden pillars, carts that travel through wine, riders that travel over roast meat, pools of wine and mounds of lees, forests of dried meat and gardens of flesh, nine markets inside the palace, three thousand drinking like cattle, mounds that wail and ghosts that cry, mountains that run and stones that weep, two suns rising together, humans eating beasts, hunting on West Mountain in the sixth month, and making one hundred and twenty days into a single night. If Di Xin is said to have done these things, and Jie is also said to have done the same, how could it be that both were truly like this?"

Gu Xiagang and other Doubting Antiquity School historians noted that the further into later periods sources were, the more detailed and numerous the accusations against Di Xin became. Most notably, the concept of the Mandate of Heaven 天命 as mentioned in these posthumous texts is a subject of considerable debate. Some scholars, like Chao Fulin, argue that the Shang dynasty did not possess the later concept of the 'Mandate of Heaven', which dictates the rise and fall of dynasties. In the 'Book of Shang,' for example, the term 'Mandate of Heaven' actually refers to 'the command of the ancestors' (the spiritual power of the ancestors in heaven to bless or abandon one's life).[58][59][60]

Charges from the Zhou

The apocryphal[c] "Great Declaration" in the Book of Documents raises six charges against Di Xin: Not paying reverence to heaven, committing calamities against those below him, abandoning himself to drink and lust, extending punishments to relatives, nepotism via hereditary receipt, killing pregnant women, and building excessive royal quarters (e.g. Palaces, gardens, pavilions). Similar ideas would be repeated in Records of the Grand Historian, Lushi Chunqiu, and other works.[61] According to Sima Qian, he even hosted festive orgies, where many people engaged in immoral things at the same time with his concubines and created songs with crude, erotic lyrics and poor rhythm. In legends, he is depicted as having come under the influence of his wicked wife Daji, and committing all manner of evil and cruel deeds with her.[9] However, contemporary records such as bronze vessels and oracle bone inscriptions contradict this characterisation, with him being seemingly consistent in his observance of the religion of the Shang dynasty and ancestral rites.[36]

Lake of Wine and Forest of Meat

One of the most famous forms of entertainment Di Xin enjoyed, noted in Shuo Yuan, was the "Lake of Wine and Forest of Meat" (酒池肉林) built at the Deer Terrace Pavilion.[62] A large pool, big enough for several canoes, was constructed with inner linings of polished oval-shaped stones from the seashore. This allowed for the entire pool to be filled with wine. A small island was constructed in the middle of the pool, where trees were planted, which had branches made of roasted meat skewers hanging over the pool. This allowed Di Xin and his friends and concubines to drift on canoes in the pool. When they thirsted, they reached down into the pool with their hands and drank the wine. When they hungered, they reached up with their hands to eat the roasted meat.[9] The narrative of the "Lake of Wine and Forest of Meat" was questioned as early as the Han dynasty. Scholar Wang Chong, in his work Lunheng, suggested the accounts of "wine pools and meat forests" were unreliable.[63]

A large, stone, artificial pool thought to be the pool at the Deer Terrace Pavilion was unearthed in Yanshi, Henan in 1999. As water wells were found nearby, the researchers concluded that it was not designed to provide groundwater to individuals, but whether it was used for recreation, aesthetic, or ritual use is unclear.[64]

Torture accusations

In order to please Daji, he created the "Punishment of burning flesh with a hot iron (炮格之刑)".[65] One large hollow bronze cylinder was stuffed with burning charcoal and allowed to burn until red-hot; then prisoners were made to hug the cylinder, which resulted in a painful and unsightly death. Di Xin and Daji were said to become highly aroused after watching such torture. Victims ranged from ordinary people and prisoners to high government officials, such as Mei Bo.[66] Despite this, no tomb of Daji, nor evidence of Daji's existence, has materialised in the excavation of Yin.

Killing of Bi Gan

In order to fund Di Xin's heavy daily expenses, heavy taxes were implemented. The people suffered greatly, and lost all hope for the Shang dynasty. His brother Wei Zi tried to persuade him to change, but was rebuked. His uncle Bi Gan similarly pleaded with him, but Di Xin had his heart ripped out so he could see what the heart of a sage looked like. When his other uncle Jizi heard this, he went to plead with the kingly nephew and, feigning madness, was imprisoned. This narrative is recorded in texts such as Records of the Grand Historian.[9]

However, the Xia–Shang–Zhou Chronology Project and other studies have pointed out inconsistencies in this account. Bi Gan's death due to his confrontation with his nephew is recorded in the Spring and Autumn period, while the account of his heart being removed by Di Xin appeared much later in the fables of the Warring States period, indicating that extra details were likely added to these accounts reinforce Di Xin's tyrannical image.[67][68] It is not reflected in oracle bone evidence.

Killing of Bo Yikao

In the 9th Century Record of Emperors and Kings (帝王世紀), it is said that Di Xin put Bo Yikao, King Wu of Zhou's brother, to death by lingchi, which would be the earliest case of it occurring.[69] This would go on to be cited in various works, including the Yiwen Leiju, commentaries on the Records of the Grand Historian, and occur in the historical fiction Fengshen Yanyi. However, this is not mentioned in texts prior to the 9th Century record,[70] and the concept of this penalty did not become prevalent until the Liao dynasty encoded it by law in the 10th century, which was wrought with much controversy at the time.[69]

Mentions in literature and legend

Depictions of Di Xin and Daji (right) in an edition of Fengshen Yanyi.

Di Xin is mentioned in the Confucian Analects (19 "子張");[55] and also in the Three Character Classic.[71] He is frequently mentioned alongside Jie of Xia as negative examples of Confucian principles, presented as archetypal tyrants who justify regime change according by the Mandate of Heaven.

The cautionary tale of "King Zhou" led to a formidable presence in popular culture as an archetypal villain. Among the earliest of these is Di Xin is in Fengshen Yanyi (Investiture of the Gods) and its various derivatives. In the text, Di Xin visits the Goddess Nüwa's temple and offended the Goddess with his lustful comments towards her beauty. In response, Nüwa decides that the Shang dynasty should end and sends her three subordinates to become three beautiful women, including Daji, to bewitch Di Xin. Under the influence of these women, Di Xin becomes a ruthless king, losing the support of the people and triggering his downfall. In the same text, Jiang Ziya recognized that Di Xin was a well-versed and well-trained individual who became an incapable ruler only because he had fallen victim to seduction. After his death, Jiang Ziya deified Di Xin as the Tianxi Xing (天喜星 "Star of Heavenly Happiness"). As the Tianxi Xing, he had the responsibility of managing the marriage affairs of humans. In the novel, Di Xin has a wife named Queen Jiang, while Daji served as an imperial concubine. Di Xin had two sons, Yin Hong and Yin Jiao, with Queen Jiang. The character of Queen Jiang in the novel was based on the real historical figure and consort of Di Xin, Jiuhou Nü. Jiuhou Nü was the daughter of the leader of the Guifang, Jiuhou, and was wedded to King Di Xin through a political alliance.[72][73]

Notes

  1. ^ Called the Dongyi in posthumous accounts, also written as Yifang 夷方
  2. ^ Di Xin is referred to here as King Zhou 紂, his pejorative posthumous name
  3. ^ Now thought to have been written during the Eastern Jin period by Mei Ze 梅賾

References

  1. ^ Book of Documents, "Book of Zhou – Speech at Mu". quote: 「今商王受惟婦言是用。昏棄厥肆祀弗答，昏棄厥遺王父母弟不迪。乃惟四方之多罪逋逃，是崇是長，是信是使，是以為大夫卿士，俾暴虐于百姓，以奸宄于商邑。」Kern (2017)'s translation: "Now for Shou, the king of Shang, it is indeed the words of his wife that he follows. He blindly discards the sacrifices he should present and fails to respond [to the blessings he has received from the spirits]. He blindly discards his paternal and maternal uncles who are still alive and fails to employ them. Thus, indeed, the vagabonds of the four quarters, loaded with crimes—these he honors, these he exalts, these he trusts, these he enlists, these he takes as high officials and dignitaries, to let them oppress and tyrannize the people and bring villainy and treachery upon the City of Shang."
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  33. ^ 甲骨文合集 36484.3 癸卯卜黃貞旬無𡆥（⿰𡆥犬）在正月王來征人方在攸侯喜啚永
  34. ^ 集成 Jicheng 05413
  35. ^ Pictured, c.1000 B.C.; 乙巳，王曰：文武帝乙宜，在召大庭，遘乙翌日，丙午，丁未煮。己酉王在梌，邲其赐贝。在四月，隹王四祀翌日。
  36. ^ a b NA 1566
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  38. ^ 《易·既濟》. 高宗伐鬼方，三年克之。.
  39. ^ 《呂氏春秋·行論篇》：梅伯（西伯）、鬼侯，皆紂之諸侯也。梅伯（西伯）説鬼侯之女美，令紂取之。紂聽妲己之譖曰，以為不好，故醢梅伯（西伯），脯鬼侯。
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  41. ^ 封神榜故事探原 (in Chinese). 偉興印務所印. 1960.
  42. ^ XSZCP Group (2000). 夏商周断代工程1996—2000年阶段成果报告: 简本 [The Xia-Shang-Zhou Chronology Project Report for the years 1996–2000 (abridged)]. Beijing: 世界图书出版公司 [Shijie Tushu Company]. ISBN 978-7-5062-4138-0.
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  45. ^ Shiji "Annals of Zhou"
  46. ^ Liu Xiang, Biographies of Exemplary Women "Depraved Favorites – Da Ji (consort) of Zhou of Yin"
  47. ^ Yi Zhou Shu "Shifu"
  48. ^ Yegor Grebnev, (2018). "The Record of King Wu of Zhou's Royal Deeds in the Yi Zhou Shu in Light of Near Eastern Royal Inscriptions," Journal of the American Oriental Society 138.1, p. 73-104.
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  51. ^ Koji Mizoguchi and Junko Uchida, “The Anyang Xibeigang Shang royal tombs revisited: a social archaeological approach,” Antiquity 92.363 (2018): 709–723. https://doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2018.19
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  55. ^ a b Zi, Gong. "子張". In Sturgeon, Donald; Legge, James (eds.). 論語 [The Analects] (in Literary Chinese and English). Chinese Text Project. 子貢曰：「紂之不善，不如是之甚也。是以君子惡居下流，天下之惡皆歸焉。」
  56. ^ （南宋）罗泌《路史》，北京图书馆出版社，2003年
  57. ^ Luo 罗, Mi 泌. "《卷三十七》". In Sturgeon, Donald (ed.). 路史 [Grand History] (in Literary Chinese). Chinese Text Project. Retrieved 14 April 2026. 大抵书传所记桀纣之事，多出模仿。如世纪等璇台三里，金柱三千，车行酒，骑行炙，酒池糟丘，脯林肉圃，宫中九市，牛饮三千……纣为如是，而谓桀亦如是，是岂其俱然哉？凡桀的罪，就是纣的罪，桀纣不分，这些都是出于模仿。
  58. ^ 晁福林《论殷代神权》，《中国社会科学》1990年第1期
  59. ^ 晁福林《先秦社会最高权力的变迁及其影响因素》,《中国社会科学》2015年第2期
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  62. ^ Liu, Xiang. "反質". 說苑 [Shuo Yuan] (in Literary Chinese). Chinese Text Project. Retrieved 11 April 2026. 夫奢安可窮哉？紂為鹿臺糟丘，酒池肉林，宮牆文畫，彫琢刻鏤，錦繡被堂，金玉珍瑋，婦女優倡，鐘鼓管絃，流漫不禁，而天下愈竭，故卒身死國亡，為天下戮，非惟錦繡絺紵之用耶？
  63. ^ 王充《论衡·语增》: 令池在深室之中，则三千人宜临池坐，前俛饮池酒，仰食肴膳，倡乐在前，乃为乐耳。如审临池而坐，则前饮害于肴膳，倡乐之作不得在前。夫饮食既不以礼，临池牛饮，则其啖肴不复用杯，亦宜就鱼肉而虎食。则知夫酒池牛饮非其实也。
  64. ^ "商紂王の「酒池肉林」の存在確認、偃師で大型人工池発見" [Existence of King Shang Zhou's "pool of wine and forest of meat" confirmed with discovery of large artificial pool at Yanshi] (in Japanese). China News Service. 19 July 2004. Archived from the original on 18 September 2008. Retrieved 23 January 2019.
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  66. ^ See, for example, Qu Yuan, Tian Wen (天问). "梅伯受醢".
  67. ^ 《楚辞·天问》："比干何逆，而抑沉之。"，《楚辞》，中华书局出版社，2019年.
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  71. ^ "Three Character Classic – Chinese Text Project". 湯伐夏，國號商。六百載，至紂亡。
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  73. ^ 封神榜故事探原 (in Chinese). 偉興印務所印. 1960.
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